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Summary
Chapter Summaries & Analyses
Key Figures
Themes
Index of Terms
Important Quotes
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There was a 30-year period of peace between the imperial powers after the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13) before war brewed again. There were various intermediary conflicts, among them the War of Jenkin’s Ear (Britain versus Spain) and its expanded form, the War of the Austrian Succession, which drew France into the fray. But the climatic war between the imperial powers for the North American continent arrived in 1754: the Seven Years’ War.
Hostilities were stoked in 1753 by a young and inexperienced officer, George Washington, who ambushed a French patrol. The episode allowed the British government to escalate the conflict. Luckily for Washington, the veteran British general Edward Braddock was unwilling to adapt to warfare in the Americas and walked straight into a French and Indian ambush. His death allowed Washington to take command, but Braddock’s defeat encouraged the Indians and their French allies to take the offensive. The French generals Pierre de Rigaud de Vaudreuil and Louis-Joseph de Montcalm were competent but had a falling out over the treatment of Indians, leaving the French open. In 1757 William Pitt took over British command and started paying the colonists to provide troops instead of ordering them, which greatly increased colonial participation in the war (as well as British debt). Meanwhile, the British navy ruthlessly harassed French vessels, hampering their war efforts. In 1758 the British captured the French Fort Louisbourg, which allowed General James Wolfe to capture Quebec in 1759, the key action of the war. In 1763 the French signed the Treaty of Paris, ending the war and ceding all of Canada and most of Louisiana to the British. The Spanish ceded Florida as well.
The French’s withdrawal devastated their Indian allies. The British commander Jeffrey Amherst quickly cut off the British supply of presents for gift-giving to settle disputes between warring factions, and the colonists generally began to press their new advantage. A pan-Indian sentiment began to develop from religious prophets encouraging commonality as Indians (435). In 1763 a coalition of northern tribes launched an uprising known as Pontiac’s Rebellion, capturing several British forts in the Great Lakes and Ohio River Valley. The ensuing conflict was brutal, with violence rippling outward (e.g., the Paxton Boys massacring the peaceful Conestoga in 1763-64) (435-36). In 1764 Amherst’s replacement, Thomas Gage, realized it was cheaper to use the same “middle ground” strategy the French had employed in the upper country than continue the fighting, and he reinstated gift-giving to the Indians (436). Things reverted to how they were before Pontiac’s Rebellion—at the cost of many colonist and Indian lives.
Ironically, in securing Britain and its colonies’ futures in the Americas, the Seven Years’ War also sowed the seeds of the American Revolution. The French and Spanish lost little of real value; the colonies they lost had long been money sinks, and with their withdrawal, the British and their colonists lacked a common enemy to unite them. British authorities were also shocked to find that the colonists had been ignoring certain economic regulations (e.g., the 1733 Molasses Act) (438). Defense of the colonies had almost doubled Britain’s debt, and British authorities believe the colonists could shoulder higher taxes, which they soon enacted on sugar (1764) and stamps (1765) (438). The principle of the action was intolerable to the colonists, who “allied behind the most cherished proposition of their shared political culture: that a free man paid no tax unless levied by his own representatives” (439). Colonists equated such treatment with slavery—and they knew they did not want to be slaves.
In the 1500s and 1600s Russians expanded east, eventually reaching the Pacific Ocean by 1639. In Siberia, Russian fur traders called promyshlenniki exacted tribute of sable pelts from the local Kamchadal, much as Spanish conquistadors had from the Aztecs, developing colonizing techniques which they soon employed in the New World. Court-funded scientific expeditions brought new discoveries: in 1729 Vitus Bering (for whom the sea is named) located the Bering Sea, and in 1741 he explored the south-central shore of Alaska. That same year the naturalist Georg Stellar catalogued new species and returned to Russia with valuable sea otter pelts, driving the promyshlenniki to the New World in the mid-1740s. There, they came in contact with and quickly began exploiting the Aleutian people for pelts. When the Aleut rebelled in the winter of 1763-64, the promyshlenniki responded with extreme violence. By the time Grigorii Ivanovich Shelikhov regulated the pelt trade in the 1780s and gave the Aleut somewhat better terms, local wildlife populations were decimated, as were the Aleut.
This Russian activity, as well as unfounded rumors that the British were approaching the Pacific, galvanized the Spanish to colonize California as a buffer for their prized territory, Mexico (454). While their province of Baja California (now part of Mexico) somewhat withered, Alta California (approximately modern California) flourished. As they had on the East Coast, the Indians there had long acted as careful stewards of the land, but the Spanish perceived it as untouched wilderness (455). They enacted their usual colonization strategies, allotting large tracts of land, called ranchos, to themselves. Their grazing animals quickly disrupted native life and reduced their ability to remain autonomous. Religious zealots like Fray Junipero Serra brought the Franciscan mission system of education to the area. For them, the Indians were gente sin razón, “people without reason” (460). The Spaniards believed that like children, with proper education the Indians might become equals—but they continued to move the goalposts of competency further out, paying Indians no wages for their labor and bringing back mission escapees by force (464-65). To their credit, unlike many other Europeans, the Hispanics seemed to truly believe in their mission. They prioritized the missions at the expense of more profitable ventures in the Pacific.
The other European powers did not miss this opportunity. The Spanish made early efforts—Magellan discovered the straits named after him in the early 16th century—but France and England got serious about Pacific exploration in the late 18th century. The British captain James Cook was the preeminent explorer of a new generation of scientists who carefully measured, described, and categorized their discoveries. Influenced by the Enlightenment, these men were no conquistadors—they were often surprisingly sympathetic to the native islanders they encountered. Taylor attributes this to self-reflection: “The shock of the new sometimes revealed the psychic losses accepted in their own increasingly artificial, anxious, materialistic, and competitive societies” (467). Cook explored, among many other places, the coasts of Australia and New Zealand, the northwest coast of North America, and finally, the Hawaiian Islands in 1778, where he was killed.
In Chapter 18 Taylor details how Great Britain finally secured the eastern half of the first 13 states of the United States. In the aftermath of defeat, the other imperial powers struggled to compete with the British to establish a foothold on the Pacific side of the continent in Chapter 19.
Of particular note in Chapter 19 are changing (and stagnant) European attitudes toward the Indians. In California the Spanish outlook remained largely the same as ever. Even where racial enmity was lacking, cultural prejudice was all too real. While the Franciscans thought Indians had the cognitive ability to become equals, many believed they lacked the means to thrive outside of what Taylor calls “mission paternalism.” As one priest observed, “No matter how old they are, California Indians are always children” (466).
In contrast, James Cook and the British explorers of the Pacific approached the Indians with a new sensitivity and tolerance. Taylor attributes this development to a combination of Enlightenment ideals and self-reflection: with British supremacy assured, the explorers romanticized island life as a “simpler time”—one they knew, from first-hand experience, would rapidly change after first contact with the Europeans.
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