57 pages • 1 hour read
Atkinson begins by putting forth the underlying theme of the book: that the Allied North Africa campaign during World War II is a major pivot point, both in the fight against Axis powers and the United States' growth into a superpower. Next, he goes on to summarize the events of World War II leading up to the North Africa campaign. On September 1, 1939, Hitler launches an invasion of Poland. As allies to Poland, Great Britain and France declare war on Nazi Germany. In the summer of 1940, after months of fighting, the newly-installed French Prime Minister Philippe Petain agrees to an armistice with Hitler allowing France to control roughly the southern half of the country along with its North African colonies of Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco. Known as Vichy France, the new state is expected to collaborate with Nazi Germany as well as its ally Italy, led by Prime Minister Benito Mussolini.
In 1941, two major events transform the course of the war. The first comes on June 22 when Nazi Germany and its Wehrmacht forces invade the Soviet Union, violating the two countries' non-aggression pact. The second comes on December 7 when Germany's ally Japan attacks a US naval base at Pearl Harbor outside Honolulu, Hawaii, killing over 2,000 Americans. Following an American declaration of war against Japan, Germany declares war against the United States.
American generals—including Army Chief of War Plans Eisenhower—advise President Franklin Delano Roosevelt that the best course of action is for the combined forces of the United States and Great Britain to launch a direct assault in Europe and drive straight to Berlin. Having attempted such an invasion on three separate occasions only to be expelled every time, Great Britain and its Prime Minister Winston Churchill strongly disagree. Hoping to encircle the Nazis, Churchill argues for an assault in North Africa. Against the advice of his own military personnel, Roosevelt sides with Churchill.
In October 1942, the Allies make final preparations for the North African invasion, codenamed Operation TORCH. Despite having never seen combat in his 27-year career as an officer, Eisenhower is appointed Supreme Allied Commander of the North African campaign. In early November, three Allied armadas made up of 100,000 soldiers will sail to three North African port cities held by Vichy France: Casablanca in Morocco, and Oran and Algiers in Algeria. By securing the coastline, this will enable the Allies to set up vital supply routes for equipment and reinforcements to their armies in North Africa. The goal is to march east across Tunisia to the city of Tunis, a tactically advantageous position from which to launch an invasion of Italy.
All three cities are held by armies loyal to Vichy France, and significant questions remain about how much resistance the Allies can expect to face from the French. In an effort to gauge French attitudes and avoid unnecessary bloodshed, US Major General Mark W. Clark and American diplomat Robert Murphy meet in secret with General Mast, deputy commander of the Vichy army's XIX Corps. Mast urges the Allies to align themselves with French General Henri Giraud, a beloved war hero among his people and a member of France's resistance movement against the Nazis. Mast believes that the Vichy armies in North Africa, if united under Giraud, may sever their ties with Nazi Germany and join the Allied cause. The only catch is that Giraud will want to assume control of all Allied troops in North Africa.
Confident he can either change Giraud's mind or stall his demands indefinitely, Eisenhower invites Giraud to his Allied command post on the island of Gibraltar. Giraud staunchly refuses to accompany the Allies into North Africa unless he is made supreme commander of the entire theater immediately, an impossible request. With Giraud sidelined, Murphy relays a warning from a French commander revealing "orders to defend French Africa at all costs, so that we should not make the mistake of attacking" (61).
Shortly after midnight on November 8, 1942, Fredendall's Central Task Force nears the port of Oran by sea. Rather than execute a stealthier approach, two British landing ships and a small battalion of American infantrymen aim to seize the port head on to prevent the French from sabotaging the port by destroying its facilities.
This risky gambit, known as Operation RESERVIST, is a colossal failure. Almost immediately upon entering the harbor, both ships come under heavy artillery fire from the Vichy army. One ship, The Hartland, is ripped in half and later explodes. The other ship, The Walney, succeeds in reaching the port, but the small number of survivors onboard are promptly captured. Of the 393 American infantrymen, 189 are dead and 157 wounded. The toll also includes 113 members of the Royal Navy dead and 86 wounded.
Ignorant of the RESERVIST fiasco, 40,000 Allied troops prepare to envelope Oran from three landing beaches east and west of the city. Furthest west, Major General Terry de la Mesa Allen arrives at Beach X, commanding the 1st Infantry Division, known as the Big Red One. At Beach Y in the middle, Brigadier General Ted Roosevelt—eldest son of former President Theodore Roosevelt—leads the 26th Infantry. Further east, Lieutenant Colonel William O. Darby lands his 1st Ranger Battalion at Beach Z. By noon on November 10, the city belongs to the Allies. Because of the utter failure of Operation RESERVIST, Vichy troops manage to sabotage Oran's ports, limiting the city's tactical value at least in the short term.
Meanwhile, in Algiers, many of the police and power stations are already captured by anti-Vichy insurgents, thanks to the efforts of Murphy. With the insurrection underway and an Allied attack imminent, Murphy detains French Navy Chief of Staff Admiral Francois Darlan, the highest-ranking French officer in North Africa and "one of the war's most reviled figures" (94). However, Murphy's insurrection comes too early. As he awaits the arrival of US Major General W. Ryder's Eastern Task Force, the insurrection collapses. Darlan regains control and detains Murphy.
Despite the coup's failure, General Ryder's Algiers invasion is largely a success. Within three days, the city is surrounded by 30,000 Allied troops, and Darlan knows it's time to surrender the city. Even though Darlan is effectively the commander-in-chief of all Vichy forces in North Africa, he claims to have no power outside Algiers and thus refuses to order Vichy forces in Tunisia to stand down without Petain's authorization. Hoping to force Darlan's hand, Eisenhower sends in Giraud, who finally folds on his demand to be supreme commander in North Africa. However, Eisenhower overestimates Giraud's ability to rally the French troops to the Allied cause, and the situation persists in a stalemate.
To the west, the final landing party led by Patton, Jr. and Rear Admiral Henry Kent Hewitt approach three landing beaches above and below Casablanca, Morocco. Off the shore of Fedala, just north of Casablanca, Hewitt fights and wins a ferocious naval battle. With Fedala captured, Patton prepares for an assault on Casablanca ten miles to the south. However, foul weather and six-foot waves allow only one percent of the 15,000 tons of cargo from Hewitt's ships to be loaded on the beach. Facing these logistical challenges, the only way Patton believes he can capture Casablanca is with a full-scale bombardment by air, ground, and sea which would result in a significant number of civilian casualties.
Without receiving authorization from Eisenhower, Patton gives Resident-General of Morocco Auguste Paul Noguès an ultimatum: surrender or prepare for the destruction of Casablanca at 7:30 a.m. on November 10. At 6:40 a.m. on that day, Noguès and the French Navy capitulate, and Patton takes the city.
With Casablanca's capture, Morocco and Algeria effectively belong to the Allies. Yet political tensions persist in Algiers. On November 12, after reversing his previous position and pledging fealty to the Allied cause across North Africa, Darlan reneges yet again after learning Hitler has invaded and conquered Vichy France in Europe. Considering this, Clark finally strikes an agreement with Darlan that will make him High Commissioner in French North Africa and Giraud Chief of the French Armed Forces.
While the Allied invasion of North Africa is a success by several measures, Atkinson writes:
The truth was that a callow, clumsy army had arrived in North Africa with little notion of how to act as a world power. The balance of the campaign—indeed, the balance of the war—would require learning not only how to fight but how to rule (159).
Near the outset, Atkinson suggests that popular discussions around World War II tend to emphasize events like the Allies' 1944 invasion of Normandy Beach and the fierce fighting in the Pacific Theater, often at the expense of the North African campaign of 1942 and 1943. This, Atkinson argues, is a mistake: "No twenty-first-century reader can understand the ultimate triumph of the Allied powers in World War II in 1945 without a grasp of the large drama that unfolded in North Africa in 1942 and 1943" (2). Not only does Atkinson consider North Africa a pivot point in the war, he also considers it "a pivot point in American history, the place where the United States began to act like a great power—militarily, diplomatically, strategically, tactically" (3). Furthermore, Atkinson argues that America's ascent coincides with a British slide into the status of a "junior partner" (3) in its alliance with the United States, a state of affairs that would persist through the 20th century and on into the 21st.
This thesis is supported by the fact that unlike Great Britain, the United States had yet to be tested—militarily, industrially, nor diplomatically—in the era of modern war. While American intervention in World War I was crucial to the Allies' victory, it was Great Britain that played the central role in that conflict. In over four years of battle, Great Britain deployed 6 million troops, 700,000 of whom perished. By comparison, the United States' direct involvement as a combatant in World War I lasted less than two years during which it suffered 110,000 deaths, almost half of which came as a result of a Spanish Influenza outbreak. As Atkinson points out, in September 1939 when Hitler invades Poland, the US Army ranks a mere "seventeenth in the world in size and combat power, just behind Romania" (8). By the end of the North African campaign, the United States is firmly on its way to becoming the largest military and industrial power in the world.
Another recurring theme Atkinson introduces involves the outsized impact of decisions made by lone individuals, many of which are shaped by an individual's ego or instinct. Particularly striking is President Roosevelt's decision to countermand his top generals and military advisors in choosing to invade North Africa rather than launch a full-scale assault on Berlin through France. Atkinson writes:
The president had made the most profound American strategic decision of the European war in direct contravention of his generals and admirals. He had cast his lot with the British rather than with his countrymen. He had repudiated an American military tradition of annihilation, choosing to encircle the enemy and hack at his limbs rather than thrust directly at his heart. And he had based his fiat on instinct and a political calculation that the time was ripe (16).
A large part of his thinking on the matter comes from the calculation that the US must open a front against the Germans as soon as possible if for no other reason than to signal to the Soviet Union that it is not alone in this fight, a reasonable conclusion. However, Atkinson also points out that four days prior to the president's order to invade North Africa invasion, Churchill hears of a galling British defeat in Libya while standing next to Roosevelt's desk: “Roosevelt's response was a thrilling gesture of magnanimity to a friend in need. 'What can we do to help?' the president asked" (16). From this perspective, Roosevelt's decision is less strategic and more the consequence of his emotional instincts. Given this, one can empathize with Eisenhower's hyperbolic yet understandable prediction that Roosevelt's decision to side with Churchill will be remembered as the "blackest day in history" (18). Certainly, had the North African campaign ended in disaster, Roosevelt's choice to act on instinct rather than on the advice of his advisors would likely be viewed by historians as reckless and irresponsible. Regardless of the ultimate outcome, this sequence—and many others like it in the book—reveal the extent to which the course of history is shaped by imperfect decisions by imperfect individuals.
In this respect, Roosevelt pales in comparison to Hitler, whom Atkinson repeatedly singles out for his increasingly reckless and eventually unhinged decisions during the war. After the Pearl Harbor bombing, the United States initially declares war on Japan only. Moreover, Germany's agreement with Japan requires that it declare war on any country that initiates combat with Japan, not the other way around. Yet Hitler, in his characteristic impulsivity and aggressiveness, announces a declaration of war shortly after the Pearl Harbor bombing. Atkinson writes, "It was perhaps the Führer’s gravest miscalculation and, as the British historian Martin Gilbert later wrote, 'the single most decisive act of the Second World War'" (8).
Not all scholars agree that Hitler's declaration has such a singularly disastrous effect on Germany's fortunes during the war. Writing for The National Interest magazine, military historian Robert Farley argues that "Washington and Berlin agreed that war was inevitable; the only question was who would fire the first shots." (Farley, Robert. "What If Hitler Never Declared War on the U.S. During World War II?" The National Interest. 2 Sept. 2016.) However, Gilbert's view is supported by John Kenneth Galbraith, an economist serving under Roosevelt during World War II. In an interview with historian Gitta Sereny, Galbraith said, "It was truly astounding when Hitler declared war on us three days later. I cannot tell you our feelings of triumph. It was a totally irrational thing for him to do, and I think it saved Europe." (Sereny, Gitta. Albert Speer: His Battle with the Truth. New York. 1995.)
Along with Roosevelt and Hitler, Atkinson evaluates the performances and legacies of a number of military commanders involved in the North African campaign, including Eisenhower and Patton. While Eisenhower's reputation as a great general is largely cemented in the American consciousness, his performance throughout much of the North African campaign is a painful learning experienced marred by costly errors in judgment and attitude. Those come later in the book, but here Atkinson examines the extent to which Eisenhower's fellow commanders—particularly those in the British army—dismiss him as a kind and generous soul who lacks a fighting spirit. One British air marshal goes so far as to say, "Ike has the qualities of a little boy which make you love him" (59). For the first months of the campaign at least, there may be some truth to this characterization.
Atkinson also suggests that Eisenhower's congenial and humble demeanor are a calculation. He quotes the war correspondent Don Whitehead who writes that Eisenhower "shaped events with such subtlety that he left others thinking they were the architects of those events. And he was satisfied to leave it that way" (60). If any reader still has doubts about whether Eisenhower is a pushover, look no further than the commander's shrewd bluff-calling of General Giraud in Gibraltar. From Eisenhower's example, Atkinson shows that temperament and personality of individual actors—much like their instincts and egos—play a massive role in the course of human events on a global scale.
Far more controversial among Allied World War II commanders is General Patton. Patton's forceful yet eloquent oratory, combined with wartime propaganda and an Oscar-winning 1970 biographical film, have made Patton into one of the most recognizable and highly-regarded generals in American history. While all of Atkinson's portrayals of the principal figures in North African campaign are nuanced and clear-eyed, he is uniquely ambivalent about Patton: He associates a number of strengths with Patton, including "energy, will, a capacity to see the enemy’s perspective, and bloodlust" (151). However, Atkinson is also unsparing in his evaluation of Patton's defects, including a lack of interest in logistics, a willingness to ignore or countermand orders from superiors, the inability to empathize with his soldiers' fears, and—perhaps most damagingly, as will be made clear later in the book—"an archaic tendency to assess his own generalship on the basis of personal courage under fire" (151). While Patton's bravery is uncontested, he tends to overvalue personal courage as a trait of a great general, and his bloodlust—along with the bloodlust he expects from his fellow commanders—will have unfortunate consequences. Moreover, as the book progresses, it becomes clear that popular depictions of Patton—particularly in the eponymous 1970 film—tend to overstate the general's role in the North African campaign.
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