54 pages • 1 hour read
Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community
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Section 5, Chapters 23-24Chapter Summaries & Analyses
Chapter 23 Summary: “Lessons of History: The Gilded Age and the Progressive Era”
Putnam argues that the Gilded Age—the period in the late 19th and early 20th century—was similar to the late 20th century and for that reason, offers a model to rebuild social capital. During the Gilded Age, Americans experienced dramatic and rapid changes in technology, the economy, and social relations with old forms of social capital rendered obsolete. The Industrial Revolution, urbanization, and massive waves of immigration were among the causes of these changes. With the decline in social capital, America witnessed increased crime, squalor in cities, poor education, a rising gap between the rich and poor, and political corruption. However, a progressive movement mobilized to create grassroots and national organizations that brought social inventiveness and political reform. The progressives did not seek a return to the past but sought to create new forms of social capital appropriate to a changed society.
Between 1870 and 1900, the US went from “a rural, localized and traditional society to a modern, industrialized, urban nation” (368). Technological changes, such as the telephone and telegraph, were critical to the rapid transformation. Combined with railroads, these forms of communication made the nation more integrated. At that time, scholars worried about the loss of face-to-face communication much like scholars in the 1990s are concerned about the impact of the Internet.
The scale of enterprise expanded vastly. While real income and the standard of living rose for most, the gap between the rich and poor was stark. The top 1% owned 50% of the wealth, while the bottom 44% owned 1.2% of the wealth (370). Half of the urban population was foreign-born. There was mass unemployment in cities with traditional safety nets failing to meet the crisis. Child labor, unsanitary tenements, and trash in cities were juxtaposed with industrial trusts transforming massive economic power into political power. Corruption was rampant. A new culture of leisure was born as well with the invention of movies and the phonograph, which raised concerns that people were turning from civic engagement to entertainment. Additionally, the country was deeply divided by race and ethnicity. Women too were assuming new public roles, gaining more education, and seeking the right to vote. In short, Putnam reasons, it was a time much like the 1990s with its rapid social changes.
At this time, muckraking journalists exposed the inadequacy of Social Darwinism, or the philosophy of rugged individualism with persons responsible for their own fate, via stories on tenements and the workings of industry. Progressive intellectuals, many of whom had roots in small communities, emerged with hopes to build different social bonds that would restore social connectedness. An explosion of association building ensued. In the late 19th century, all kinds of self-help and amateur clubs formed. Following that, multiple civic institutions were founded. Examples include the PTA, the Sierra Club, the Red Cross, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). At this time, most associations were segregated by race and gender. Women’s groups transformed from reading groups to politically active ones. Immigrants formed mutual aid societies. Religious inspiration brought about the Salvation Army and the Social Gospel. Settlement houses were founded in urban slums, with middle-class volunteers profoundly influenced by the experience.
Progressives particularly recognized the need to reach youth. The Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts emerged at this time, combining social and civic values with fun, with the goal of instilling civic values at a young age. Most of the institutions were not originally built for political purposes but later became civically engaged. There was lateral learning as well, with communities copying the organizations of other communities. Progressivism introduced major changes to society and politics. Some of those changes included direct primaries, the direct election of Senators, a national income tax, the eight-hour workday, and the eradication of child labor. Putnam acknowledges the criticisms of the Progressive movement, such as racial segregation and elitism. However, he lauds the movement for taking the path of innovation to restore social capital and not trying to return to a lost era. It is that example that he wants Americans to follow in the 21st century.
Chapter 24 Summary: “Toward an Agenda for Social Capitalists”
This chapter addresses The Need to Rebuild Social Capital to Sustain Democracy. The problem has two dimensions: institutional and individual. To restore social capital, Americans must both create new institutional structures and policies and strengthen individuals’ resolve to connect with others. He identifies six critical areas in need of attention and sets goals to be achieved in 10 years, or by 2010.
The first area is the education of youth. Because approximately half of the decline in social capital is attributable to generational succession, this area is critical. Putnam challenges Americans to increase the level of civic engagement among those coming of age in 2010 to match that of their grandparents at the same age and to ensure that bridging social capital is greater than in their grandparents’ era (404). He mentions possibilities with community service and the creation of smaller schools. The second area is the workplace, which he hopes to make more “family-friendly and community congenial” by 2010. The third area concerns urban and metropolitan design. Because sprawl adds to commuting time, which reduces civic engagement, Putnam challenges Americans to design more pedestrian-friendly and integrated spaces so that they spend less time commuting and more time socializing with friends and neighbors (407-8). Given the enormous role that religion has played in mobilizing social capital in American history, Putnam encourages a “socially responsible ‘great awakening’” (409) with Americans more engaged with a meaningful spiritual community and more tolerant of the faith of others.
Putnam identifies two important areas in the fifth category of arts and culture. Electronic media has contributed to passivity and home confinement. Thus, Putnam hopes to have Americans spend fewer hours watching screens and challenges innovators to use the Internet to reinforce, not replace, face-to-face interactions. Along the same lines, the arts can bring diverse groups of people together and create bridging social capital. Putnam wants Americans to participate, not watch, the arts whether it be in song or theat. Finally, Putnam returns to government and politics, the most important area. He challenges Americans to increase participation in public life, voting, running for office or campaigning. Campaign finance reform could help, as could social-impact statements for public policies to avoid unintended consequences. Both national and local institutions must be involved.
Chapters 23-24 Analysis
Putnam notes at the outset of his work that the US has experienced periods of civic decline and renewal. While he argues that the late 20th century is one of decline, his goal is to spark a public conversation about ways to renew social capital in the 21st century. He draws solace from the Progressive era in the early 20th century, considering that period similar to the one in which he writes. He cites the challenges faced at the end of the 19th century, such as high crime rates, poor education, waves of immigration, dire poverty, an enormous wealth gap, and political corruption. Social capital had declined but the Progressive movement refurbished it in new ways that met the circumstances of the time. Importantly, they did not try to re-create the past; there was no going back to pastoral life. Instead, they created organizations and policies to fit the new environment.
How good is this analogy between the early and late 20th century? Are the challenges posed in the late 20th century similar to those posed earlier? There were indeed dramatic changes in technology and communication during the Gilded Age. However, as Putnam himself documents, there was nothing quite like television for bringing people into their homes and giving advertisers direct access to people’s attention. The new forms of entertainment at the beginning of the century were experienced in theaters or with others. There was also a vibrant political life in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with third parties formed at a grassroots level. In the early 21st century by comparison, the Occupy Wall Street movement never transitioned into a lasting political force. In short, there are similarities between these two periods, which Putnam highlights well, but he downplays the differences.
He mentions but does not dwell upon the shortcomings of the progressives. There were those challenging racism and sexism at this time, but progressive organizations mainly accepted segregation. The Progressive movement was predominantly white, professional, and middle class and therefore incorporated some fear of democracy. Herbert Croly, one of the philosophers of this movement, very famously called for Hamiltonian means to achieve Jeffersonian ends. Hamilton advocated for elite control of central government, while Jefferson sought more democratic control. Given Putnam’s desire to activate the citizenry, parts of the Progressive movement at least do not necessarily lead to that outcome. Putnam sets goals for 2010, with government and politics deemed the most important area. For that reason, some of the other movements in the early 20th century might offer a better model.
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