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Courtroom 302

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2005

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Chapters 9-11Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 9 Summary: “Perseveration”

When he reflected on his career as a prosecutor, the one case that dimmed Judge Locallo’s mood was that of George Jones—a 19-year-old “tried for murder, rape, attempted murder, home invasion, and burglary in 1982” (151). Jones was eventually “cleared of all charges” (151). Later, Jones filed a civil suit against the Chicago Police Department and was awarded $801,000 in damages. An appeals court panel in 1988 ruled that detectives working on the case were determined to imprison Jones “regardless of the evidence” (151). Jones, an outstanding student and son of a Chicago police officer, was accused of raping and murdering 12-year-old Shelia Pointer and attempting to murder her 10-year-old brother, Purvy Pointer.

Officers arrested Jones based on Purvy Pointer’s whispering his first name when he emerged from a four-day-long coma. Jones lived near the Pointer family. When police learned this, they showed Pointer a photo of George Jones. Pointer cried at the sight of the photo and identified Jones as the man who came to his house. Detectives arrested Jones at his high school. Jones was then taken to Pointer’s bedside, where he was asked to identify Jones a second time. There was controversy over whether Pointer correctly identified Jones. At Jones’s trial, Pointer testified that he said “no” repeatedly to indicate that he didn’t recognize Jones. Then, when the detectives took off Jones’s glasses, Pointer claimed to recognize him as his attacker. The federal appeals court later ruled that Pointer’s identification of Jones was “worthless,” given that he was “a child with a severe head injury” (155). However, a “neighbor-witness” had also identified Jones in a line-up (155). 

At the Pointer home, Purvy Pointer’s mother found “two pairs of panty hose behind a radiator” that were not hers (155). They were knotted in a way that made it seem as though they were used as masks. Purvy Pointer recalled “two offenders, both of whom had worn stocking masks, and one of whom had had a gun” (155). “George,” he insisted, was the man who had “beaten him and his sister” (155). However, Pointer identified this attacker as “George Anderson”—“the leader of a gang that lurked near West Pullman Elementary School” (155). 

To his boss Commander Milton Deas, Detective Frank Laverty expressed doubts about Pointer’s interview and the validity of the charges against Jones. Laverty found it “very significant” that Pointer was now claiming that there were two attackers, and one of them didn’t match any description of Jones. Deas, however, didn’t find Laverty’s information “significant enough” to “reopen [the] investigation” (155). 

Two months later, Detective Laverty heard that a man named Lester Pigue confessed to killing a 21-year-old woman named Sharon Hudson three blocks from the Pointer house. Hudson had been “sexually assaulted and bludgeoned with a brick” (156). Pigue concocted a story in which he partly blamed Hudson’s murder on someone named “King George,” causing Laverty to think that this was the “George” to whom Pointer was referring. In Laverty’s mind, this meant that Pointer, with Pigue, might have committed the crime against his sister. 

In Chicago, detectives had long used a “double-filing system,” which included the official report that went to police headquarters and the detective’s “memos and handwritten notes,” which comprised a separate part of the file (157). Most of the precincts’ commanders allowed their detectives to determine what was “relevant.” However, many detectives refused to include any information that could assist the defendant at trial. The 1963 Supreme Court case Brady v. Maryland required “prosecutors [to] disclose any evidence suggesting the defendant’s innocence” (158). Prosecutors, however, often lied when defense lawyers asked if all records were included. 

The detectives had, indeed, excluded information from their official report, including that, during their first interview with Pointer, the boy had mentioned that “the attacker was a gangbanger with lighter skin than his” and had initially offered no response when “asked if Jones was the offender” (158). 

During meetings with Purvy Pointer, Dan Locallo recalled thinking the boy was “very slow.” Pointer had an intellectual disability before the attack. The head injury only exacerbated his condition. 

Jones’s trial began before a jury on April 6, 1982; Judge William Cousins presided. Pointer testified on the second day. When Locallo questioned him, Pointer gave a detailed and clear account of what he experienced. He had a response for each of “Locallo’s 278 questions” (161). However, when the defense attorney Jeffrey Haas cross-examined Pointer, “[h]is memory quickly clouded” (161). To Haas, it seemed that Pointer’s recollection of the attack “was contrived” and “rehearsed” (162). It would have been easy for the police and prosecutors to manipulate Pointer’s knowledge of events, given his age, mental deficits, and head injury. The neurologist Harold Klawans testified during the trial and noted that Pointer “tended to perseverate” (163)—that is, he would respond to a question in a way that seemed appropriate but would repeat that response, even in moments in which it was no longer relevant. He concluded it was unlikely Pointer recalled the attack. It was, instead, common for such head injury victims to invent tales or to adopt stories they heard from others. 

The defense attorneys at the trial resented how, in their view, Locallo tried to manipulate the jury by provoking an emotional reaction from Pointer: He had shown the boy Shelia’s “bloodstained terry-cloth shirt” while Pointer was on the stand, knowing it would elicit a strong emotional reaction (164). Locallo was pleased by Pointer’s reaction; though, it didn’t help his case in the end. Meanwhile, Detective Laverty was shocked that the case went to trial, knowing what an unfit witness Pointer was. He came forward with the withheld information, including “a memo recounting a suggestion from Purvy’s father […] that the next-door neighbor might have been involved in the crime” (165). Ultimately, Judge Cousins declared a mistrial “with prejudice”—meaning that Jones could never be retried—on the basis of the withheld information (165). 

George Jones’s lawyers “filed a class-action suit in federal court” to end the practice of double-filing (165). The suit demanded the police turn over all information to prosecutors, including reports that could benefit a defendant’s case. The jury gave the large cash award to Jones as a message to police not to withhold information ever again.

The detectives on the Jones case had insisted that Jones was guilty and refused to let evidence stand in the way of convicting him. Ironically, the only detective investigated by the police department for his conduct was Detective Laverty, who “was accused of testifying for the defense without first notifying his bosses” (167). Laverty, however, was cleared of the charge because he had called Commander Deas before delivering his testimony. Still, his career as a detective was over. He was relegated to clerical tasks. The crime against the Pointer family remains unsolved. 

While Purvy Pointer was still in a coma, detectives interviewed a family friend named David Thomas, who found the kitchen screen that the attacker removed to enter the house from the alley. A lieutenant at the Area 2 precinct handling the case wondered how Thomas happened to be at the scene of the crime. Thomas had been a boyfriend of Shelia and Purvy Pointer’s aunt. Thomas had previous convictions, including one for sexual assault. The victim was a girlfriend’s daughter; she was 11 years old. 

Locallo later denied that any of his bosses notified him that a detective in the Pointer case had doubts about Jones’s guilt. Locallo says that the lesson he learned from the case was that one could not always accept at face value what the police said. On the other hand, he believed that the detectives truly believed in Jones’s guilt and denied reports that Jones suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder as a result of being incarcerated.

Chapter 10 Summary: “Freely and Voluntarily”

Leroy Orange had his quadruple murder case retried to find out if he was denied proper counsel during his 1985 death penalty hearing. He was represented by Thomas Geraghty, “director of the Northwestern University Legal Clinic” (171). Judge Locallo heard testimony from friends and relatives about what a kind man Orange had been, despite his history of violence—including an abusive childhood. 

While fighting a blaze nearby on Chicago’s Southside, two firefighters found the bodies of two women, a man, and a 10-year-old boy in a third-floor apartment. All four had been “stabbed repeatedly.” Orange and his half-brother, Leonard Kidd, confessed to the murders, which he committed “after freebasing cocaine and then arguing with Ricardo Pedro, the adult [male] victim” (171).

Orange's testimony resulted because of police torture—particularly the Chicago police’s practice of putting plastic bags over people’s heads, usage of electrical shock, and squeezing male suspects’ testicles. Later, Leonard Kidd confessed to committing all the crimes after Orange left the apartment. Still, no one believed that Kidd—a slight man—could have successfully killed four people on his own. Kidd ended up with two death sentences for multiple murder convictions, including “setting a fire that killed ten children in a south-side apartment building in 1980” (172). 

Geraghty requested that Locallo “conduct a hearing that could lead to a new trial for Orange” (174). The petition for a new trial was based on significant evidence of torture at the Area 2 precinct where Orange was interrogated. The commanding officer of Area 2’s violent crimes unit during the 1980s was fired in 1993 after an investigation uncovered his history of torture. Burge joined the police department in 1970 after returning from Vietnam, where he was a military policeman. In Chicago, his work as an officer had won him numerous awards. Burge had shocked various Black interrogees on their penises, feet, and thighs. Another incarcerated man testified that he had once been shocked with a cattle prod. 

Despite this evidence that some suspects had been tortured at Area 2, Judge Locallo asserted that there was no evidence that Orange himself had been tortured. Locallo also overlooked the fact that all the suspects tortured at Area 2 were Black, while all the detectives were white. 

Four months before Orange’s torture incident, 21-year-old Gregory Banks confessed to murder and armed robbery charges at Area 2. Banks later claimed he confessed to the charges as a result of being beaten and having a detective put a gun into his mouth, “[threatening] to blow his head off” (180). The judge in Banks’s case ruled that he had voluntarily confessed to his crimes and sentenced him to 50 years in prison. The conviction was reversed in 1989.

In a study he submitted to the University of Colorado Law Review in 1992, scholar Myron Orfield concluded that Chicago police officers routinely lied both in court and during their investigative processes. Moreover, the more prominent a case, the likelier authorities were to fabricate claims. Judges cooperate with prosecutors during trials involving violent crimes, due to their “personal revulsion” and “fear of adverse publicity” (181). Judge Locallo, too, admitted he was averse to suppressing confessions, even in instances in which there may have been torture. In every such case, he ruled the “defendant confessed voluntarily” (183).

Chapter 11 Summary: “Father and Son”

For his son’s trial, 53-year-old Frank “Toots” Caruso Sr. “hired the best defense lawyers money [could] buy” (185). Caruso Sr. also worked to dispel the notion that his son was “a despicable racist” (185). He promoted prayer services in a nearby Black community and enlisted the help of B. Herbert Martin, a prominent minister advocating “forgiveness over vengeance” in response to the Bridgeport case (185). The prosecutors, however, wanted Frank sentenced, “whether he’s innocent or guilty” due to potential racial unrest if he were to be acquitted.

Ed Genson, Caruso’s defense attorney, was doubtful about his client’s chances for acquittal. He figured the best the family could expect was “a hung jury, which would force a retrial” (189). Another acceptable outcome would be a conviction for “aggravated battery” and “hate crime.” The latter would earn him a sentence of no more than eight years. Genson knew that there were a lot of problems with the prosecution’s case against Caruso, but the public appetite for justice outweighed those concerns. 

Genson was a fierce cross-examiner who worked feverishly for his clients. In 1982, he defended Caruso Sr. on an extortion charge and got him acquitted. 

The Bridgeport case got Deputy Guerrero thinking about Chicago’s ethnic divisions. He asserted that even “north-side Italians don’t like your south-side Italians” (192). Guerrero sympathized with Lenard Clark but also emphasized that in Chicago, one couldn’t go just anywhere.

Chapters 9-11 Analysis

The Jones case uncovers an unsavory aspect of Locallo’s character: an unwillingness to admit to being wrong. Such stubbornness is unfortunately common within the criminal justice system, as judges and prosecutors have a professional incentive to prevent challenges to their earlier work. For Bogira, this is another example of The Influences of Corruption and Politics on Criminal Courts. Ideally, judges and prosecutors should be interested only in upholding the law and finding out the truth. In practice, however, Bogira finds that they are often more interested in their personal careers. A famous example of this phenomenon occurred during the New York-based trial of the Central Park Five, whose prosecutor insisted that the accused men were guilty long after their exoneration due to the true attacker’s confession. Locallo dismisses George Jones’s report of post-traumatic stress disorder not merely out of insensitivity but in an attempt to acquit himself for nearly ruining Jones’s life in his single-minded pursuit of victory in a murder-rape case.

Bogira also explores the unreliability of witnesses’ testimony in cases involving aggravated assault. Purvy Pointer suffered severe physical and emotional trauma. This, coupled with his youth and existing intellectual limitations, made it difficult for him to give an accurate account of what happened, while also putting undue pressure on him to ensure that the right attacker was convicted. Bogira’s strong suggestion that a family friend may have actually been guilty of the crime also implies that Pointer could have focused his attention on Jones to avoid hurting his aunt by implicating her boyfriend. 

In these chapters, Bogira explores police corruption as well as corruption in the judicial system. Aside from the clearly abhorrent use of torture, Bogira describes subtler forms of misconduct, such as the “double-filing system” that intentionally hid exculpatory evidence from defense attorneys. This system indicates a culture of silence among police and a preference for closing a case by any means necessary rather than ensuring justice. Just like the courts, the police prioritize their track record of “success” over the pursuit of justice, and the most vulnerable Chicagoans pay the price. 

Corruption extends, too, to the broader community. Within these chapters, Bogira gives an overview of the Bridgeport case. The influential African American leader Reverend B. Herbert Martin urges reconciliation between the Black and white communities impacted by the case. This seemingly noble commitment to healing is connected to Martin’s wish to use the Carusos’ power within labor unions to secure jobs for his community, which, in turn, would secure Martin’s position within both the clergy and the Black community. The Bridgeport case exposed the stark divisions in Chicago—most vividly illuminated by Deputy Guerrero. These divisions along lines of race, class, and neighborhood help the reader understand why gangs have thrived for so long in the city.

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