Democracy in America

Tocqueville argues that Americans have an enduring love for institutions that they control and maintain, but this individualism does not translate to anarchy—instead, it provides a “surer path toward servitude” (639). Tocqueville asserts that the “instinctive penchant for political independence” in American culture is the only antidote to this tendency (640).

The potential evil of despotism has its roots in the American love of general ideas and commitment to central authority and laws that apply universally, which may transpire even if social homogeneity does not truly exist. This is seen as compatible with popular rule because “Americans believe that in each state the social power ought to emanate directly from the people; but once that power is constituted, they imagine so to speak no limits to it; they willingly recognize that it has the right to do everything” (641). Tocqueville further argues that this erodes the idea of individual rights, since “the idea of the all-powerful and so to speak unique right of society comes to fill its place” (642). Tocqueville argues that all European contemporary political debates are about which individual or central authority best wields this power, not about whether centralization should occur. The consensus on this is so strong that he considers it a “natural condition of the current state of men” (642).

Tocqueville’s pessimism here is readily apparent: He argues that democracies can easily contain an overwhelming pressure to treat all citizens the same and a corresponding faith that giving the state and society unlimited power will replace individual rights. He does not explain how this is reconcilable with the American preference for local government that is responsive to particular needs or the preference for state government over federal. His emerging portrait focuses particularly on Europe, and his pessimism may well reflect his own experiences of French politics under Louis Philippe, who became last king of France.

Tocqueville argues that in democracies citizens are more likely to turn toward their personal needs and entrust all other matters to “to the sole visible and permanent representative of collective interests, which is the state” (643). Fear of anarchy is generally stronger than fear of government oppression, so citizens turn toward politicians to protect their property interests. Tocqueville further argues that the hatred of any “privilege” will favor government centralization, as the “sovereign, being necessarily above all citizens and uncontested, does not excite the envy of any of them” (645). Here, Tocqueville takes his earlier argument that democratic citizens prefer equality to freedom to the furthest possible extreme. He suggests that community bonds will never be stronger than the desire for homogeneity and that citizens will trust government more than each other.