49 pages • 1 hour read
Gods of the Upper Air is the history of a transformative era in American social science. King weaves the biographies of the researchers whose discoveries led to these changes into a historical exploration of the methods and findings that came to define the field of anthropology.
During the 1880s, in which the majority of Americans believed in the inherent superiority of those of white Anglo-Saxon descent, Franz Boas’s group of academics questioned this belief and sought alternative ways to describe relationships between and characteristics of groups of human beings. Boas and his students believed these preconceived notions about genetic superiority were the erroneous products of their society rather than universal truths. Through their field research projects, they sought to determine which elements were universal to the human experience, and which were shaped by individual societies.
Boas’s group rejected the presumption that Western society was inherently superior to other societies. While morality would eventually infiltrate their academic and personal perspectives on humanity, their methods were grounded in science. They discovered no evidence of the biological chasms between people of differing ethnic origins that proponents of eugenics claimed existed and concluded that neither researchers nor laypersons should evaluate people from different societies through the lens of their own set of values. Through their anthropological findings, Boas and his students also challenged members of Western society to look critically at their own culture and beliefs.
On an interpersonal level, the group often allowed their personal entanglements and rivalries to influence their research, for better and for worse. They were challenged and denounced by their academic peers, thwarted by the establishments in which they worked, and their results often lacked consistency. Despite their ideals, they did not always embody the egalitarian values they promoted, and romances within the group at times damaged group dynamics. Regardless, their pioneering work came to define the new academic discipline of anthropology.
Franz Boas was born in 1858 in Minden, a small town in Germany, to an upper-middle-class Jewish family. He attended the prestigious Heidelberg University, where he studied the most highly regarded German philosophers and was immersed in scientifically rigorous work. By the time he earned his doctorate in physics, Boas had developed significant proficiency in conducting experiments, analyzing data, and approaching problems through the lens of scientific inquiry.
Boas was fascinated by the ongoing research expeditions to remote parts of the world being undertaken by explorer-adventurers in the late 19th century. Deciding to undertake his own project, Boas planned a postdoctoral research expedition to Baffin Island, Greenland, where he planned to study how the Inuit negotiated the climate, terrain, and the migration patterns of the animals they hunted for survival. Instead, he filled notebooks with observations about their histories, relationships, traditions, and cultural practices, including an attempt at creating a dictionary of their language.
When Boas arrived on Baffin Island, he felt helpless amidst the harsh northern environment. This led him to two epiphanies that would shape not only the course of his research but also his understanding of himself: Despite his array of supplies, the assistance of his manservant, and his extensive knowledge of the region, Boas realized that he was ill-prepared to survive in the arctic climate. He also realized that strong community connections were essential to any one person’s survival, and he lacked such ties.
When he returned to New York after concluding his research, Boas was devastated to discover that all the faculty positions related to anthropology were already occupied, and he returned to Germany.
After leaving the university, Boas turned to famed American adventurer John Wesley Powell for employment in New York. Anthropology, at that time, was closer to the 21st-century concept of archaeology, while the study of people, their practices, and behaviors, was considered ethnology. Powell was the director of the United States government’s new Bureau of Ethnology and believed that human beings evolved along a continuum from baser, more “primitive” states mirroring early man to the epitome of achievement and sophistication seen in Western culture. He theorized that humans occupied one of three evolutionary positions in chronological order: savagery, barbarism, and civilization. Powell considered those in the “savage” and “barbarous” categories to be in the process of socially evolving toward his own society’s level of evolutionary attainment. He believed that in studying non-Western cultures, he was essentially observing earlier iterations of social evolution. As King writes, “Ethnology, then, was simply the act of civilized man conversing with those who had yet to travel the same pathway he had once trod” (45).
Boas returned to North America in 1886, traveling to Vancouver to engage in more field work collecting oral histories and folklore from members of the Indigenous population of the Pacific Northwest. Returning to New York, Boas secured a position at Science Magazine. One of his first pieces was an indictment of the way Powell and his colleagues at the Smithsonian were organizing the institute’s growing collections of objects created by so-called “savage” and “barbarous” artisans. In assessing the items as examples of their creators’ presumed lower evolutionary stage rather than as distinct products of complex societies, the curators were mischaracterizing them and drawing incorrect conclusions about their purpose. They were also grouping them incorrectly, without regard to their origin.
Boas believed this collection method was useless as it ignored an item’s location of origin and the intention associated with its creation. Instead, he asserted, items should be displayed according to their geographic origin with as much context on the usage and significance of the item as was possible to determine. Only by appreciating the creations of a society in context could visitors to the museum develop an understanding of and appreciation for the cultures that were on display.
The first chapters of Gods of the Upper Air present a summary of the concepts the reader will encounter throughout the text. King emphasizes that the emergence and development of Boas’s philosophy were in constant opposition to the mainstream values of American society. These commonly held beliefs, anchored in a presumptive notion of European and Euro-American superiority, were thought to be supported by the fact of their global dominance and genetic, technological, and political sophistication. In the first chapter, King mentions that the words “racism” and “colonialism” did not appear in the dictionary during this period, so ingrained were the beliefs in Western society’s natural supremacy.
Throughout Gods of the Upper Air, King reminds the reader of the changes occurring across the decades during which the events of the book unfold. Boas and his students may have pushed American society and academia toward more compassionate, egalitarian views, but they did not embody the kind of values a 21st-century reader might consider social justice or human rights. King compares the view of the Boas circle with those of their peers in academia and society at large, always making certain to use qualifying statements and examples to show that, by 21st-century standards, a fair amount of racism, sexism, and paternalism persisted within the cohort of researchers trained under “Papa Franz.”
The education that Boas received in Germany was a primer for his signature academic approach: Heidelberg University’s emphasis on studying German philosophers influenced his practice of self-examination and his commitment to questioning his assumptions and beliefs, approaches he integrated into his study of human societies. Further, most anthropologists and ethnologists of the period did not have training in the scientific method, statistical analysis, or meticulous data gathering. Neither did they understand how a researcher’s preconceived ideas could compromise their findings. When Boas began to challenge his peers’ methods and conclusions, he was able to do so from a position of authority largely based upon his ability to function as a scientist first and a social theorist second.
Just as Boas’s experience as a physicist allowed him to question the knowledge he encountered in the field of social sciences, Boas’s experiences on Baffin Island forced him to reevaluate everything that he believed about himself and his academic achievements. On Baffin Island, cooperation and collaboration were crucial, whereas in Western society, the notion of individualism was far more prized. An individual soon perishes on their own in an Arctic climate, a lesson Boas learned firsthand. Instead of leaving (or perishing), he adapted, asked others what to do, and worked to understand how the region’s reality deviated from his expectations. He took himself out of the role of the expert, allowing the Inuit, the people he was ostensibly there to study, to guide him. This experience led not only to a new subject of interest—anthropology—but it also challenged his relationship to the world around him.
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