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Chapter 17 is a memorandum Biko prepared for US Senator Dick Clark after his release from 101 days in detention under the Terrorist Act. The memo focuses on how the US government can support Azania. After thanking Senator Clark for agreeing to meet, Biko expresses dismay at the US’s continued support of the South African regime. Using bullet points, he criticizes American foreign policy, argues that South Africa is on the cusp of change, and asks the US to help shape the country’s future. Although Biko recognizes that it is illegal to call for a trade embargo, he urges the US to disinvest in South Africa.
In addition to stopping the sale of arms, Biko encourages the US to set strict rules for private companies operating in South Africa, including guidelines about remuneration and job reservation. He calls on the US to stop its dealings with Bantustan leaders. Furthermore, he asks the US to support Black non-government platforms and Black leadership. Last, he urges America to lobby for the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners. Biko concludes by warning the US that it risks tarnishing its reputation in the eyes of the Black population if it fails to act against the South African regime.
Chapter 18 is an interview Biko gave to a European journalist in 1977. Biko starts by critiquing white-run student organizations and describing the formation of SASO. He identifies Black Consciousness as SASO’s central tenet, claiming it counters white racism and bolsters Black self-esteem.
Addressing Black fear, Biko describes the volatile period between 1963 and 1966, when Black people shied away from politics in response to government crackdowns. He claims that SASO empowers Black people to come together to articulate their goals and elevate African culture. Black people are not only more engaged politically than they were in the 1960s, but also willing to condemn the current system, despite government violence. Members of SASO are openly critical of Bantustans, describing them as government tools designed to contain the political aspirations of Black people. Young people are pushing for change, as evidenced by the student uprisings in Soweto and elsewhere in June 1976.
Biko sees the uprisings as expressions of discontent and part of a long process of change. He promotes nonviolence and expresses hope for a reconciliation between the BCM and other Black organizations so that they become a united liberation front. He describes his egalitarian vision for the future as a socialist one, specifying that he supports some private enterprise, but favors state participation in industry and commerce to rectify imbalances in the distribution of wealth. Industries like mining, forestry, and land ownership will judiciously blend the two systems.
Biko envisions a non-racial, egalitarian society with no need for laws to entrench Black power. Last, he promotes “one man, one vote” whereby no South African will be disenfranchised because of their race or education level. Biko recognizes that conflict is unavoidable on the road to change. However, if various groups form coalitions with Black organizations, conflict can be minimized.
Chapter 19 consists of excerpts from an interview Biko gave to an American businessman a few months before his final detention and death. Published posthumously in The New Republic on January 7, 1978, Biko describes death as something that can be politicized. Dying in a riot, for example, is a political death. Biko also describes the violence and intimidation he experienced at the hands of police during his initial interrogation, revealing that their methods were ineffective because they did not change his beliefs. His strategy was to escalate the beatings to disrupt his interrogators’ program, even if it cost him his life.
Chapters 17-19 stand out as the most outward-oriented of Biko’s book, addressing people outside South Africa. Chapter 17 is a memo for US Senator Dick Clark; Chapter 18 is an interview Biko gave to a European journalist; and Chapter 19 consists of excerpts from an interview Biko gave to an American businessman. All three chapters aim to alert the international community to the plight of Black South Africans, but each is inflected in a different way.
Chapter 17 focuses narrowly on the US because it addresses an American senator. Biko is clear and direct, despite writing the memo shortly after his release from 101 days in detention, which he spent in solitary confinement without access to books. His lucidity is apparent not just in the cohesiveness of his ideas, but also in their organization, which he presents as bullet points. Biko enumerates the ways in which the US can support Azania, exhibiting a deep knowledge of American foreign policy and a clear vision for future action. Divestment in South Africa, the rejection of Bantustans as Tools of Government Control, and support for Black leaders detained by the regime are among the actions he urges the US to take to pressure the apartheid government.
The need for US support, however, does not spare Senator Clark from criticism. Biko calls out American foreign policy, specifying that the US “has played a shameful role in her relations with our country” (139). His critique becomes more pointed later in the memo: “America’s foreign policy seems to have been guided by a selfish desire to maintain an imperialistic stranglehold on this country irrespective of how the blacks were made to suffer” (140).
Chapter 18 is as clear and direct as Chapter 17, but its content is less narrowly focused. Addressing a European journalist, Biko seized the opportunity to introduce his organization to a broad European audience. Revisiting the content of his earlier writings, Biko critiques NUSAS and other white student organizations, justifies the formation of SASO, objects to Bantustans, and describes how the BCM eases Black fear by empowering Black students to speak out against the government, even in the face of violence. He cites examples of violence to convey the brutality of South Africa’s regime: “Since last June something like 400 young blacks were killed. 499 actually” (146).
In addition to revisiting topics from preceding chapters, Chapter 17 introduces new issues, notably that of Azania’s political system. Biko describes his vision for a non-racial, egalitarian future, specifying that South Africa will be socialist:
For meaningful change to appear there needs to be an attempt at reorganising the whole economic pattern and economic policies within this particular country. BPC believes in a judicious blending of private enterprise which is highly diminished and state participation in industry and commerce […] Now in that kind of judicious blending of the two systems we hope to arrive at a more equitable distribution of wealth (149).
Chapter 19, among the most personal of the book, focuses on violence and death. Addressing an American interviewer, Biko describes the beatings he experienced during his first detention: “We had a boxing match the first day I was arrested. Some guy tried to clout me with a club” (152). Biko not only conveys the brutality of the South African police, but also emphasizes his resistance: “I went into [my interrogator] like a bull. I think he was under instructions to take it so far and no further, and using open hands so that he doesn’t leave any marks on the face” (152). Instead of allowing police to beat him without leaving marks, Biko fought back and disrupted their plans: “If they beat me up, it’s to my advantage […] I’m not going to allow them to carry out their program faithfully […] If I react sharply, equally and oppositely, to the first clap, they are not going to be able to systematically count the next four claps, you see. It’s a fight” (152-53). Biko fought back again when he was detained several months later, only to be killed by his police captors.
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