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Summary
Background
Chapter Summaries & Analyses
Key Figures
Themes
Index of Terms
Important Quotes
Essay Topics
Further Reading & Resources
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At the end of the 18th century, an English doctor, Dr. John Haygarth, made a discovery: In the city of Bath, patients with debilitating pain claimed to be experiencing tremendous relief by using a metal rod called a “tractor.” The tractor supposedly drew the pain and sickness from the patient’s body. After doing a couple of experiments, Dr. Haygarth found the tractors kept working, even though there was no logical or medical reason for them to do so. However, sometimes they would stop working after a while.
This was an early documented case of the placebo effect, where a person recovers from an illness while taking a medicine that has no actual physical impact.
Hari introduces Dr. Irving Kirsch, who wrote the book The Emperor’s New Drugs. Through Kirsch’s work and others, Hari found “that nobody seems to know quite what [antidepressants] do to us, or why—including the scientists who most strongly support them” (23). Hari’s initial response was anger, since Kirsch “seemed to be kicking away the pillars on which I had built a story about my own depression” (23). Like Dr. Haygarth centuries before, Kirsch suspected that antidepressants were having something like a placebo effect on patients, although, unlike a true placebo, “they had a real chemical effect” (25).
Kirsch’s work on antidepressants began when he and a graduate student, Guy Sapirstein, conducted a study on three groups. They found that 25% of the effects of antidepressants “were due to natural recovery,” 25% due to the chemicals in antidepressants, and 50% because patients believed that they would work (27).
Following the study, Kirsch and a scientist, Thomas J. Moore, bypassed the previous medical studies sponsored by drug companies, who had “been selectively publishing research, and to a greater degree than [Kirsch] expected” (29). Looking at the uncensored results of tests that had been submitted to the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), Kirsch found that antidepressants only caused a marginal improvement for people with depression while having negative side effects such as weight gain and sexual dysfunction. Kirsch was shocked to find that many doctors had already known the truth about the studies but had not widely publicized the information.
When Sapirstein tried to tell a relative about his and Kirsch’s research on antidepressants, the relative was upset and burst into tears. She felt as if Sapirstein was invalidating her belief that antidepressants had helped her. Later, Kirsch also saw a leaked study about Seroxat, Hari’s own former medication. The drug manufacturer, GlaxoSmithKline, had conducted studies that found Seroxat was not effective in treating depression in teenagers, but GlaxoSmithKline marketed and sold the drug anyway: “Here was the drug I started taking as a teenager, and here was the company that manufactured it saying, in their own words, that it didn’t work for people like me—but they were going to carry on promoting it anyway” (32).
Hari notes that Tipper Gore, the wife of Al Gore, the former vice president of the United States, had told the newspaper USA Today that she had been taking antidepressants for depression caused by a lack of serotonin in the brain. From there, Hari continues examining Kirsch’s research, especially his investigation into the origins of the claims that a lack of serotonin causes depression.
In 1952, a drug for treating tuberculosis had the unintended effect of making “patients gleefully, joyfully euphoric” (34). This and other drugs seemed to have a positive, short-term benefit for people with depression, but only for a short time. By 1965, a British doctor, Alec Coppen, theorized that the effect of the drugs was on serotonin levels in the brain. Professor David Healy, an expert on the history of antidepressants, told Hari in an interview that there “was never any basis” for the idea that low serotonin causes depression (35).
Drug companies marketed the idea because it made antidepressants easy for the general public to understand and for them to sell. Hari’s further interviews with medical professionals confirmed that there is little if any scientific basis for serotonin as the cause of depression. One of Hari’s interviewees, Prof. John Loannidis, says, “it is not surprising that the drug companies could simply override the evidence and get the drugs to market anyway, because in fact it happens all the time” (38).
According to Kirsch, antidepressants do not only seem to be ineffective; they also have serious side effects. These side effects include sexual dysfunction, weight gain, and sweating. Some studies also suggest that antidepressants increase the risk of suicide, violent behavior, diabetes, stroke, miscarriage, autism in children, and birth defects. As when Dr. John Haygarth published his research on the tractors, the reaction to Irving’s work on antidepressants was significantly negative.
Hari interviews Dr. Peter Kramer, who wrote Listening to Prozac, which promoted the use of antidepressants. Kramer argued that the trials Irving examined were not long enough to accurately assess the effectiveness of antidepressants, that Irving did not distinguish between people with moderate and severe depression, and that the volunteers in the studies, because they were being paid and tended to be poor, were telling interviewers what they wanted to hear.
Hari concludes by describing a study done in the late 1990s, the Star-D trial. The researchers found 67% of patients felt better on antidepressants in the first few months, but only one in three people had long-term recovery (45). Further studies have found that “the proportion of people on antidepressants who continue to be depressed is […] between 65 and 80 percent” (45).
Hari says that it’s “possible” that antidepressants “may be a partial solution for a minority of depressed and anxious people” (46). At the same time, Hari believes the evidence overwhelmingly suggests that antidepressants do not truly help the majority of the people suffering from depression and anxiety who take them.
Hari interviews Joanne Cacciatore, a professor of social work at Arizona State University who specializes in the study of grief. Cacciatore herself experienced grief when her infant daughter died. While treating grieving patients, Cacciatore noticed that many of them were being diagnosed with clinical depression and treated with antidepressants. This is because the symptoms of depression, as laid out in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM), resemble grief. The authors of the DSM ultimately devised the “grief exception”: People who had experienced the loss of a loved one would not be considered depressed for a year after the loss.
Hari argues that the same may be true for other difficult circumstances, such as going through a divorce or being in a job you hate. Cacciatore agrees, arguing that some psychiatrists see depression this way as well: “Instead of saying our pain is an irrational spasm to be taken away with drugs, they see that we should start to listen to it and figure out what it is telling us” (52). Hari notes that, in the latest edition of the DSM at the time of his writing, the grief exception has been eliminated.
A London woman in the immediate aftermath of World War II drowned herself in the Grand Canal. Her suicide was not widely discussed: “It was taboo to ask why people become desperately distressed in this way” (55). The suicide inspired George Brown, a neighbor who was a child at the time, to research suicide as an adult and anthropologist in 1978. He launched a project with therapist Tirril Harris where he and other researchers studied two groups of women, the first diagnosed with depression and the second not. One of the women they interviewed, Mrs. Trent, had a husband who became unemployed. It was considered taboo for her to take a job herself. Brown and Harris made two categories for the circumstances affecting the women they studied: “difficulties” or a “chronic ongoing problem,” like having to leave one’s neighborhood or being in a bad marriage, and “stabilizers,” or positive factors like close friendships (61).
The results found that 68% of the women who developed depression had a disruptive event in their lives the year before they developed depression. Only 20% of the women who experienced such an event did not develop depression. Women with depression were three times more likely to have long-time “difficulties” in their life (61-62). Brown and Harris’s research found that people living in poverty are more likely to become depressed because they are more likely to have difficulties or experience sudden traumatic events.
Research by another group of social scientists found that the traumas and difficulties that cause depression were similar in places as unrelated as Zimbabwe and rural Spain (64). The results of Brown and Harris’s studies went ignored by the scientific community, which preferred to focus on depression as a chemical process in the brain rather than an environmental process.
In these chapters, Hari critiques how the majority of doctors in the medical profession treat depression. Hari draws from Kirsch’s research, which argues that the benefits of antidepressants have been greatly exaggerated and the serious side effects have been downplayed. Through discussion of studies by Brown, Harris, and Cacciatore, Hari lays down the major thesis of Lost Connections—that doctors ignore the real causes of depression, from trauma, grief, and environment.
Hari argues there is no “scientific consensus” that depression is caused by an imbalance of serotonin levels in the brain (44). Hari uses both his personal experience with depression and research to make his case. He presents the view supporting the theory that depression is caused by a lack of serotonin by speaking with Kramer. However, Hari mainly brings up Kramer to refute his arguments (41-44). Hari says that Kramer is unwilling to talk with him, quoting him as saying: “I think I want to cut off this conversation” (44).
Hari suggests the origins of the Medicalization of Depression, a belief that depression and anxiety are mostly or entirely “a brain disease” that can be managed through medical drugs. He blames the trend on pharmaceutical companies’ profit motives. By downplaying side effects and misrepresenting the benefits for the majority of patients, the companies can continue to profit greatly from antidepressants. For Hari, the problem is not just a belief that serotonin is the main or only cause of depression, but that drug companies have used “handpicked studies” to defend the antidepressants they sell (30). Hari says that the view of depression as caused by a chemical balance is an “accident of history” brought about by the course of scientific research in the 20th century (36). However, drug companies have promoted this understanding of depression and its treatment for the sake of profit.
Hari’s arguments against chemical antidepressants have been controversial. The author Dean Burnett argues against some of Hari and Kirsch’s criticisms of chemical antidepressants and drug companies. Specifically, Burnett argues that Hari misrepresents doctors, who are more aware of social and economic causes of depression and more willing to doubt the effectiveness of antidepressants than Hari suggests (Burnett, Dean. “Is Everything Johann Hari Knows About Depression Wrong?” TheGuardian.com, 8 Jan. 2018).
Burnett discounts the idea that chemical antidepressants are commonly prescribed to generate profits for drug companies. He says that doctors may rely on chemical antidepressants to treat depression because they are overburdened, making it difficult for them to prescribe alternative treatments that may require more time. However, he does agree that antidepressants are not always effective, and that social causes should be seen as a major source of depression. Nonetheless, he views Hari’s depiction of the medical profession and its treatment of depression as a mischaracterization (Burnett).
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