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Jefferson presents in a table the numbers of European settlers who came to Virginia in various years, from 1607 (the year the Jamestown settlement was established) to 1782. He shows that the population of the state has grown from just 100 people in 1607 to 567,614 at the time of writing.
The subject of Virginia’s population raises the question of immigration. Some voices in Jefferson’s day proposed increasing America’s population by importing as many immigrants as possible from other countries, but Jefferson asks whether this is in fact “good policy.” The plan assumes that simply multiplying numbers will produce a prosperous society, but Jefferson argues that societal cohesion depends on uniting people with similar beliefs and backgrounds. He believes bringing people raised under absolute monarchies into a country founded on democratic principles raises inherent problems and dangers since the immigrants will inevitably maintain some of their “Old World” ideas and customs. Therefore, instead of immediately importing masses of immigrants, Jefferson advises waiting 27 years for the population to increase.
On the other hand, Jefferson acknowledges that when it comes to agriculture, more laborers are always needed, and immigration would thus be welcome. He further emphasizes that people who want to immigrate should be allowed to do so but that the government should not encourage immigration as a general policy.
Jefferson ends the chapter by calling for legislation to end the importation of enslaved people, hoping that this will lead eventually to complete emancipation and an end of “this great political and moral evil” (87).
In this chapter, Jefferson shows his conviction that American society is based on certain well-defined values and beliefs. These include a belief in democracy, in social equality, and in success through merit, among others. Jefferson tended to favor a vision of American society as racially and politically homogenous—generally speaking, consisting of persons of Anglo-Saxon descent who shared the English political and legal heritage and were dedicated to an agrarian lifestyle. In other words, the ideal citizen would be a person with an affinity to Jefferson’s own background.
Although he believed that people should be free to immigrate to America, Jefferson did not favor a pluralistic society composed of widely disparate peoples—a society he imagines as “a heterogeneous, incoherent, distracted mass” (85). For Jefferson, a fairly homogeneous, agrarian society would ensure that America’s founding values would survive. Thus, Jefferson distances himself somewhat from the “nation of immigrants” model of what the United States should be. Jefferson’s ultimate stance on immigration is cautious and prudent; rather than importing large numbers of immigrants, he advises waiting to see what happens, letting the population expand naturally.
Virginia’s history unfolded largely as Jefferson had prescribed: It was mainly the urban centers of the Northeast that received large numbers of immigrants in the 19th century and beyond, while Virginia remained the predominantly rural, agrarian, and Anglo-Saxon Protestant state it had been in Jefferson’s day.
It is notable that in this chapter on population Jefferson again brings up the subject of slavery. Enslaved people, indeed, accounted for a significant segment of Virginia’s population. This is one of three places in the book where Jefferson expresses his moral opposition to the institution of slavery and his desire to abolish it. However, as he will express in Query XIV, Jefferson rejected any notion of emancipated people assimilating into the white population; rather, he favored resettling them and equipping them form their own society. This may partly show again Jefferson’s preference for various peoples being separate and independent, forming homogeneous and internally coherent societies based on values or ancestry; the more unvarnished reality, however, is that it is partly based on his revulsion at the thought of Black men possibly having sexual relationships with white women and producing offspring, hence the deportation of the emancipated. In Query XIV, Jefferson explicitly cites such dreaded relationships as part of his rationale for the deportation.
Jefferson provides a table listing the numbers of militia members in each county of Virginia. The table reflects the pre-Revolutionary period when each colony had its own part-time, nonprofessional militia. As Jefferson explains, these militias were composed of all the state’s able-bodied male citizens under the age of 50, who could be called up as defense in emergencies. Such militiamen made up the bulk of the army in the Revolutionary War, and Jefferson himself commanded a militia in Virginia as a colonel during the war.
At the time of writing, the navy force of Virginia was virtually nonexistent due to poor management and the British takeover of Virginia’s rivers during the Revolutionary War. Jefferson says he believes “we are left with a single armed boat only” (91). The United States would build up its navy considerably in the future, enabling it to participate in the War of 1812 and other conflicts.
At the time of the Jamestown settlement in 1607, Virginia was home to more than 40 Indigenous American tribes, of which the predominant were the Powhatans, the Manahoac, and the Monacans. These tribes spoke languages so “radically different” as to be mutually incomprehensible. Jefferson speculates that the Indigenous American tribes started out from “three different stocks” (92) which, over time, multiplied and separated into many more, smaller societies. Such factionalism is due, in Jefferson’s view, to the lack of “coercive power”—i.e., law or government—in Indigenous society. Jefferson states his preference for this form of society over one that is overly regulated, as in Europe; he notes that “crimes are very rare” (93) among the Indigenous Americans.
Jefferson presents a table listing the population as of 1669 and geographical location (with reference to the rivers) of various Indigenous tribes of Virginia. Later in the chapter, he broadens his view to include a table of all the remaining Indigenous tribes in the United States.
The numbers shown in the table evidence the “melancholy sequel” of the Indigenous Americans’ fate: During the 62 years following 1669, they were decimated to one-third of their former numbers through alcohol, “small-pox, war, and an abridgement of territory” (96) that took away their means of subsistence. However, Jefferson claims that much Indigenous American land was not taken by conquest but purchased through legal means, with the Indigenous Americans’ own consent.
This chapter testifies to Jefferson’s lifelong interest in Indigenous Americans. He traces what happened to each of several tribes, noting that some have only a few members left. He shows a particular interest in Indigenous American languages and what light they may shed on the history and development of the tribes. Throughout his life, Jefferson collected and studied Indigenous dialects and called for more scholarly attention to them. Jefferson also recounts his archeological activities in Monacan territory (98-100), excavating a gravesite to discover how the tribe buried their dead. While the archeological project violated sacred Monacan land and destroyed many of the buried remains, Jefferson is still ordinarily lauded for a spirit of scientific inquiry. Historians also note, however, that “[a]lthough he used the first-person in his writing about the dig, the scale of the excavation suggests that others were involved, presumably slaves from his Monticello plantation” (Hantman, Jeffrey. “Jefferson’s Mound Archaeological Site.” Encyclopedia Virginia, 2022).
In all these ways, Jefferson is often considered to have been a pioneer in linguistic anthropology and, at a time when other scholars disparaged the Indigenous Americans, dedicated himself to studying and documenting their languages and history, even if his methods were not respectful. One passage shows that it was already known in the 18th century that the Indigenous Americans originated in the Asian continent (102), a fact Jefferson deduces in part from comparing their languages with those of Asia.
Jefferson describes the system of “parishes,” counties, and towns comprising Virginia. He explains that large cities never developed in the state because easily navigable waters brought trade close to home. As a result, Virginia has only small or medium-sized towns, mostly near the rivers and alternating with farmland. The largest Virginia town in Jefferson’s day, Norfolk, had only 6,000 inhabitants.
In connection with this, Jefferson makes a general observation about the rise and fall of towns: It is related to the needs of the people and accidental circumstances (“nature”) and cannot be controlled by law or planning. Virginia remained in Jefferson’s day an agrarian rather than an urban and cosmopolitan state.
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