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44 pages 1 hour read

The Republic

Nonfiction | Book | Adult

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Chapters 7-8Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 7 Summary: “Women, Children, and Warfare”

What is the role of women in the ideal community? Socrates argues that they should be able to occupy the same positions as men provided they have the necessary attributes. However, Glaucon objects that “men and women have different natures” and, as such, they would not be able to occupy the same roles (165). Socrates’ retorts that while men and women may have different superficial, physical, attributes they are potentially equal in qualities relevant for certain jobs. For instance, some women may be equally skilled to men in the arts of medicine or carpentry. This means that those women who are suited to the task, should live alongside the male guardians. They should have the same physical and cultural education and participate in warfare.

The discussion then turns to sexual relations. Socrates argues that there is to be “no such thing as private marriage between these women and these men: all the women are to be shared among all the men” (170). Equally all their children will be held in common, with no child being able to identify their biological parents. However, these rules do not licence a sexual free-for-all. The guardians will not simply be able to have sex with whomever they want whenever they want. Rather, to ensure the best future progeny for the community, only carefully selected men and women will be allowed to procreate. Further, this will only be permitted at specific communal holidays determined by the rulers. At these events, men who have accomplished some feat in fighting or other activity will be rewarded with the right to sleep with multiple women. However, there will be the pretence that a “lottery” decides who has sex so that inferior males who must forgo sex blame chance rather than the rulers. For the same reason, to ensure the quality of the next generation, inferior children will be discarded.

The broader justification for these arrangements is that they will help promote community cohesion. This is because no one of the guardians will regard another man or woman or as his or her property. Hence, they will not become possessive and jealous of others. Not having exclusive families, they will come to regard all the other guardians as part of an extended family, and this mini community, by giving a shared sense of identity as the common protectors of the wider community, will bring to them happiness.

Chapter 8 Summary: “Philosopher Kings”

By what practical means could the constitution which Socrates outlined in previous chapters come into being? The answer to this can be found by looking at what changes to existing states could precipitate it. When this is done, Socrates comes to a radical conclusion. Namely, that to bring about this ideal state it is necessary that “communities have philosophers as kings” (193) or that “kings and rulers practice philosophy” (193). The next question then, is what precisely constitutes a “philosopher.” They must be a lover of knowledge. More specifically, they must love all of knowledge and not merely its parts. To Glaucon’s objection that this suggests that novelty seekers and dilettantes are philosophers, Socrates makes an important distinction. Namely, the lover of knowledge must be interested in the things in themselves, rather than just their manifestations. For example, the philosopher is interested in the essence of beauty, which is stable and unchanging. This is rather than the plurality of beauty’s manifestations in various objects.

The philosopher also possess knowledge as opposed to just belief. This knowledge is of perfect reality, whereas belief is an intermediary state between perfect reality and unreality. Since a philosopher is one with a love of knowledge, a philosopher must be someone with knowledge, meaning knowledge of the things themselves, not merely their manifestations. This is why Socrates identifies the philosopher with an ability to apprehend the essence of phenomena. Further, philosophers have other characteristics which make them suitable to rule. They have a broad vision of reality so will be unconcerned with petty things or self-advancement. Hence, they will be moral rather than corrupt. Loving knowledge, a philosopher will also have the virtue of honesty.

Adeimantus asks why, if this is the case is it that in the eyes of the public “philosophers are evidently merely useless, the majority of them bad through and through” (211). How can they fulfil the role Socrates envisions for them if they are seen as unable to help their actual communities? Socrates response is multifaceted. First, he says, philosophers are viewed as useless by the masses because the masses do not understand what philosophy is. Second, philosophers get a bad name because their natures are especially vulnerable to corruption. They often either become sophists, pandering to the masses, or leave philosophy altogether. The fact that many who are suited to philosophy leave it then allows unqualified people to fashion themselves as philosophers. For these reasons, Socrates says that the existence of philosopher kings is unlikely but not impossible. As such, the ideal community remains viable.

Chapters 7-8 Analysis

With a discussion of sexual relations and warfare, Socrates has provisionally completed his account of the ideal state. He now turns to a fundamental question regarding it. Namely, how is this ideal “viable” (191)? Under what circumstances could this community, in concrete terms, come about? His answer, which has been much discussed since, is that it would require “philosopher kings.” That is, the assumption of political power not by warlords, merchants, or aristocrats but philosophers. Plato anticipated an incredulous response to this. Glaucon says, on hearing Socrates, that “you’d better expect hordes of people… to fling off their clothes (so to speak), pick up the nearest weapon, and rush naked at you with enough energy to achieve heroic feats” (193). Nevertheless, he has intellectual grounds for the suggestion. These stem from the logic of the ideal community he has been describing and from his broader project of developing a eudemonistic justification for morality (eudaimonism is the system of ethics that supposes that morality is a good because it produces happiness).

What are these grounds? To address this, it is important to clear up two potential misconceptions. First, the meaning of “kings” is to some extent figurative. Plato did not envisage philosophers simply taking over existing political systems. Nor did he imagine them ruling as would ordinary monarchs or political leaders. Rather, he says, “They must treat a community and people’s characters like a painting board” (224). In other words, they would be like artists who fundamentally create and build the community. They would forge the constitution, the myths, and the educational system by which a certain type of person and society would form and flourish. They would be “founding fathers”, in the most radical sense, and only secondarily concerned with the day-to-day business of ruling.

Second, and relatedly, Socrates has a specific idea of what is meant by “philosopher.” This is not to be equated with how we might now standardly use the word. It does not simply mean someone who researches or teaches philosophy for a living. Nor is it necessarily applicable to many of the historical figures, like Descartes or Wittgenstein, who are commonly referred to under this label. Instead, the philosopher is a person who “innately aspires to reality” (210). This means someone who looks to get beyond the variation and flux of appearances to “each thing as it really is in itself” (211). This is to find a fundamental form which is permanent and unchanging. Further, the search into essential reality does not end there. What the philosopher also strives to understand is an elemental unity between the forms themselves. As such, they aim to find how “beauty, morality, and so on are each a single entity” (201). In other words, they look to find awareness of the underlying unity of all things. For example, that ugliness is in fact part of beauty, and that evil is part of good.

This precise and metaphysical concept of the philosopher serves a specific function for Plato. It is specifically this type of philosopher who has the foresight to found and rule a community. This is because they uniquely possess knowledge. Knowledge here means “apprehending that which is permanent and unvarying” (203). It means a belief which, rooted in an understanding of unchangeable things in themselves, is infallible. This is in contrast to mere belief, or belief in general. Such belief is based on changeable appearances and is therefore fallible, potentially wrong. Since the Platonic philosopher, by his nature, enquires into the things in themselves, and into all things, he not only must have knowledge. He will also have knowledge of the good. That is, he must have infallible awareness of both the ends a society should pursue and the means by which to attain them. In short, he will be the perfect ruler.

Unsurprisingly, many remain unconvinced by this. While there is an appealing elegance and audacity to this vision of the philosopher king, there are also a myriad of problems. For one, it involves accepting Plato’s idiosyncratic metaphysics and epistemology. For even if there was a world of pure things “in themselves” distinct from appearances, it is not obvious that some specific group would have unique access to them. Nor is it clear that such access would be unrestricted or infallible. Moreover, what of integrity? Socrates takes for granted the problematic assumption that knowledge of the good entails doing good, but this is far from self-evident.

However, the deepest worry is one Socrates himself acknowledges in The Republic. He accepts it is the lack of understanding of the masses which prevents them valuing the philosopher or acknowledging his ability to govern. This ignorance in turn is due to a flawed educational system and culture. Therefore, it is due to a flawed society. As such, it seems that the condition for the people wanting philosophers to rule is a change in society which will improve these things. Yet this improvement of society is the very thing that the philosopher is supposed to bring about. Plato is stuck in a vicious circle. Whether he can get out of this conundrum remains to be seen.

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