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Even though Orwell has spent time living among the poorest people in Britain, he concedes that unemployment will not be solved by everyone befriending homeless people, who are not representative of the wider working-class existence. Though homeless people welcomed Orwell into their midst, “normal” working-class people treated him with more suspicion. Even after many months living among the miners, both they and Orwell were all very aware that he was not one of them. Some people—especially those with radical politics—pretend that this kind of wall does not exist, but Orwell views this attitude with skepticism; he feels that many anti-imperialists and socialists claim to want change but don’t truly seem to believe it can happen, and therefore only mock one another instead of doing anything. Indeed, many of these middle-class people benefit from the systems that they criticize and may not want to endanger their comfortable lives.
Moreover, while many people are sympathetic to the idea that miners should be paid more, they do not want to pay higher prices for their fuel. Orwell explains that simply wishing that the class system would vanish will not make it happen, so people need to understand the ramifications of the political goal; getting rid of the class system will mean that people will need to get rid of the part of themselves that has internalized it. People see the world from this class-based perspective, basing their morals, manners, and many other parts of their existence on their affiliation with a certain class and their difference from others. Eradicating the class system will require people to get rid of their prejudices and snobbery, and the people who do so might render themselves unrecognizable compared to their previous selves.
People who move between the classes can also be resistant to change. Orwell points to working-class socialists who achieve success and move into the middle class; their success is, by definition, only possible within the class system, so these socialists eventually reinforce the structure they are trying to eradicate. Meanwhile, the working and middle classes remain antagonistic toward one another, so Orwell believes that the only solution is to approach change carefully, lest the results be meaningless and only superficial.
For Orwell, socialism and the workers’ collective ownership of the means of production is the most obvious and commonsense solution to the issues of unemployment and poverty. However, he wonders why more people do not consider socialism a viable option; in fact, it seems to be declining in popularity. To understand this, he tries to empathize with its critics.
Orwell has noticed that one common issue is socialists themselves. People are sympathetic to the overall idea, but socialists are stereotypically timid, middle-class young men who do not drink alcohol or eat meat. People find these men insincere. Orwell also notes that there are many strange socialists whose more radical beliefs often manifest in non-conformist attitudes in other parts of their lives. Orwell dismisses these people as “cranks,” suggesting that they are nudists, sandal wearers, and obsessed with sex. However, people have begun to associate these cranks with socialism, so all socialists are burdened with the same reputation. In addition, socialists often use jargon to express themselves, and their ideas lack any practical implementation. For a more authentic, more practical version of socialism, Orwell turns to his experiences with working-class people. Many of the miners he met while writing The Road to Wigan Pier understood the core values of socialism and the fight for equality, but they lacked the education or the language to define their ideas. Nevertheless, their beliefs were based on actual experiences, unlike the middle-class socialists who have learned about working-class life from a book.
Orwell does not understand the cranks and the strange socialists, but wonders whether they simply want to make the world a tidier place, using their position of power to create order rather than trusting a popular mass movement of working-class people. The critics of socialism see the uneducated working-class socialists or the stereotypical middle-class cranks and decide that socialism is inherently worthless. Literary depictions of socialist societies make the situation worse by portraying them as dull and tasteless. Orwell recognizes that these are genuine problems facing socialism, even if they are not problems with the ideology itself. As a result, the criticisms must be understood if socialism is to make any progress.
Another criticism of socialism is not that it would not work, but that it would work too well. Orwell has detected a fear among some people regarding socialism as it relates to industrialization. These people see socialism as an urban endeavor that relies on mass industrialization to succeed, and they fear that it will destroy the countryside. Orwell believes this idea is flawed. Not only is the process of industrialization inevitable and irreversible at this point, but the fear of it reflects a deeper worry about the power of machines and the hyper-industrialization of society. However, Orwell acknowledges that anti-socialists hold the belief, so socialists must find a satisfying response.
Orwell notes a parallel to past critics of science; he acknowledges that many people have made exaggerated claims about how machines will benefit society, but he insists that progress in science and machines has made the world a safer place and increased the efficiency of many industries. It’s true that advances in machinery have led to the loss of traditional skills, which critics of science and progress lament. However, Orwell points out that progress inevitably means losing something, and that society should not hinder itself solely to preserve outdated skills and traditions. In addition, a fully industrialized, mechanized society would give more people time to do whatever they wanted. Orwell notes that traditions are not inherently better; people do not ride mules instead of buses, as they did in the past.
Some people also protest that industrialization makes people lazy or soft. While Orwell sees some merit in this criticism, he explains how machines have made the standardization of food products possible, which many people prefer. The same is true of improvements in housing, furniture production, and other areas. While machine-made products may lack refinement or authenticity, machines are able to make many more products, and people willingly buy them. This cycle leads to the invention of better machines and then the production of new goods; the only limiting factor is how profitable any invention or machine might be. Orwell heralds socialism as a solution to this issue, as profit is not a concern. Thus, the rate of invention and mechanization will increase in a socialist society, though Orwell does worry about advances in weaponry and other harmful inventions.
For all the complaints and criticisms, Orwell views industrialization and the mechanization of the world as unstoppable whether socialism exists or not. Indeed, many people prefer the softer modern existence made possible by machines. Nevertheless, Orwell wants to understand anti-socialist people, so that when world events become deadly serious, he can be sure that they will pick the right and moral side. Aggressive, harmful ideologies such as fascism are on the rise in Italy and Germany, and Orwell views socialism as the natural way to combat them. Fascism typically promotes traditions and order—exactly the kind of world that critics of socialism desire. Socialists must therefore return to the ideology’s fundamental ideals to convince people of its benefits, and to show the world that justice and liberty are both important and possible.
Orwell addresses the question of what a person can do to combat the problems he has portrayed in the book, reiterating that many of the criticisms of socialism are absurd and will take time to address. However, he believes that the only real choice available is between fascism and socialism, and only socialism has a place in its society for people who disagree. All people opposed to fascism must put aside their differences and unite; petty arguments over ideology are irrelevant in the face of the threat of fascism. Socialists cannot demand ideological purity from one another while the horrors of fascism are very real.
Orwell believes that the traditional British class system is outdated but admits that it does not seem to be going away, in part because it involves culture, education, manners, traditions, and much more besides mere wealth; a middle-class person is not suddenly working class if they become bankrupt. Orwell himself is working class in financial terms, but his background, mannerisms, and accent make him middle class. Ultimately, however, the class system does not care about these cultural differences; everyone is exploited, robbed, and bullied, so socialists should work hard to help people understand that they are all humans, and all victims of the same oppressive society. Orwell finishes the book on an optimistic note, hoping that socialism may succeed in the future.
The closing chapters of The Road to Wigan Pier discuss the sincerity of the people who advocate for political change. Plenty of socialists claim to want to eliminate the class system, but Orwell feels they are insincere about their desire to change a system that benefits them. The tension between claiming to want change and enacting change is a big barrier to progress in Orwell’s opinion. His portrayals of the stranger socialists, the working-class people who have achieved a level of financial security, and even himself suggest that all political action is based on some form of lies or insincerity. Orwell has had to face his own insincerity in the past, so he portrays his fears and his anxieties to help guide some potentially insincere people through a similar process. The eradication of the class system is not a simple process, nor one which will be easy to achieve, and Orwell’s descriptions of insincerity add a hint of pessimism to the closing chapters. Orwell wants change, but he fatalistically worries that not everyone shares the strength of his desire.
Partly to combat this apathy, Orwell frames socialism as a counterweight to the threat of fascism. Fascism developed in countries such as Italy, Germany, and Spain in the 1920s and 1930s, and one of its key elements was its opposition to socialism or communism, coupled with a promise to return society to an idealized past. Elsewhere in the book, Orwell has outlined his belief that rolling back industrialization is impossible, thus suggesting that the promise of fascism is inherently vapid; where socialism provides a progressive template for society to move forward, fascism looks only toward a regressive, impossible past. Orwell also establishes fascism as an inherently violent and unequal system, turning his progressive arguments for a better society into an existential battle for the soul of European society. Socialism is no longer just a chance to eradicate class differences, but a moral imperative and the only way to defeat a violent ideology that threatens to take over the world.
Orwell closes The Road to Wigan Pier with a call to action. The contrast between the opening and the closing chapter is clear. In the first, Orwell was a passive victim of the filthy conditions in the lodging house—a detached observer of a world that disgusted him; in the closing chapter, he is an active critic and a loud advocate for progressive social change. The sleeping, exhausted Orwell of the early chapters is replaced by an energized, excited Orwell who calls on the entire society to help break the cycle of poverty. This rhetorical structure makes the case for socialism by first showing the reader the misery of the world and then providing them with a workable plan for actual change. The book is thus an instructional manual for political rhetoric, showing the reader why and how socialism must be implemented in Britain.
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